Fresh audio posted
Just posted to my radio archives (links there):
September 16, 2010 Stephen Mihm, co-author of Crisis Economics, on The Crisis in historical perspective • Two segments on Cuba: Julia Sweig in an excerpt from a Council of Foreign Relations conference call (full audio here) about her conversation with Fidel, and consultant Kirby Jones on the Cuban economy and U.S. companies doing business there
September 23, 2010 Eric Garris, founder of Antiwar.com, on the antiwar movement, the libertarian perspective on it, and the effort to unite opponents across the spectrum • Gary Shteyngart, author of Super Sad True Love Story, on life amidst anxious imperial decline my and U.S. companies doing business there
Citigroup feels violated
This morning, WordPress informed me that they’d received a “valid DMCA notice”—as in Digital Millennium Copyright Act—notice about a Citigroup research report I posted here in February 2009. Until the issue could be “resolved”—meaning I acknowledged this grave offense against intellectual property—I couldn’t post anything to this blog. Once I said “Yes, Sir,” my posting privileges were restored. The document was, of course, deleted.
The report was an analysis of the Treasury’s proposed bank capital requirements in the run-up to the stress tests. Citi’s conclusion—and I think even the DMCA allows me to quote a phrase this brief from the doc—was that “the US government is following a relatively bank-friendly, investor-friendly approach.” So there you have it, just for the record.
Interview
Me, interviewed by Allison Kilkenny of Citizen Radio: http://www.breakthruradio.com/index.php?show=11537
Why we loved the Zaps
This is terrific:
We loved the Zapatistas, because they were brave enough to make history after the end of History. We loved the Zapatistas, because we were afraid of political power and political decisions. We loved the Zapatistas, because we thought we could do without a century and a half of baggage. But we could have done far more for the Zapatistas if we mounted a better challenge to the system that shackles us all—neoliberalism. I mean capitalism.
Radio commentary, September 15, 2010
[Been a while since I posted one of these. Too many things to do, too little time. Sorry. Much more, including graphs, in the forthcoming LBO.]
Thursday morning brought the release of the Census Bureau’s annual income, poverty, and health insurance numbers. These are drawn from a special edition of the Bureau’s monthly Current Population Survey. The regular survey, which covers about 60,000 households, is what the monthly unemployment figures, among other things, are based on. This special survey, done every March, covers 100,000 households. This is a very large sample, though it’s far from perfect, as I’ll say in a bit.
The headline findings are that incomes were down, poverty was up, and millions lost their health insurance last year. This is just what you’d expect in a recession, of course. A few words about each.
Income
First, income . The median income of all households—the income level at middle of the distribution, meaning that half the population is richer, and half, poorer— fell by almost 1% last year, but the move was deemed not large enough to be statistically significant. That is, the likely error in the estimate is larger than the change itself. But the overall number was helped considerably by a near-6% rise in incomes for households headed by someone 65 or over. (The concept of a head of household—usually the person’s name on the deed or lease—is problematic, but it’s not my terminology.) Under-65 households saw their income fall by 1.3%, and this did pass the test of statistical significance. Especially hard hit were the young, foreign born non-citizens, and blacks. So-called Hispanics held their own. Curiously, residents of central cities did a lot better than suburbanites or country-dwellers.
Taking a longer-term look, median household income in 2009 was just 2% above where it was in 1989, even though real GDP was up 63% over the same period. Of course, population is up about 25% over the period, and not all of GDP takes the form of personal income—some of it goes to corporations, some to government. But real disposable income per capita—the total of income after taxes throughout the entire economy divided by the population—is up 40% over the last twenty years. So, on paper, or its silicon equivalent, were things being distributed equally, the average household would have gained about 20 times more income than it has in reality. The reason for this, of course, is that the rich have gotten most of the benefits of economic growth over the last few decades. The top 5% of the population, according to the Census numbers (which badly understate things, for technical reasons I’ll go into in a moment) has gotten about 25% of the growth in income over the last twenty years—the top 20% altogether has gotten just over half, 54%.
There are several reasons why the Census numbers understate incomes at the top. One is that the very rich can’t be bothered answering questionaires from pesky enumerators. And another is that the Census Bureau treats all incomes over a certain amount—it rises every year, but it’s around a million dollars now—as if they were that amount. The stated reason for this is to protect confidentiality, since the records are available for public use. Maybe. But the effect is seriously to understate how well the very rich have done. For example, the Census shows the top 5% gaining 28% from 1989 to 2009. Work based on tax records done by the economists Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez show that to be roughly true for households at the 95th percentile—that is, those richer than 95% of the population. But by missing the seriously rich, the Census understates things by almost 2/3: Piketty and Saez have the top 5% gaining almost 75% from 1989 to 2007. (Sadly, 2007 is as far as their data goes, but it probably wouldn’t change much if you took it out another couple of years.) The reason for the difference is the action at the high end. The top 1% was up over 100%. The top 0.01%—the 12,000 or so richest households, with incomes averaging $35 million a year—were up 215%.That almost 30 times the increase of the bottom 90% of the population. In other words, an enormous portion of the gains of economic growth have gone to just a few thousand hyper-rich.
All that said, the Census numbers are a good measure of broad economic trends, even if they miss life in the stratosphere.
A few other notes on income. The average black household’s income fell to just below 60% of the average white household’s, down nearly 2 percentage points from last year, and extending a downtrend that began when the boom of the 1990s burst in 2001. At its 2000 peak, the average black household hit 65% of the white average. The average Hispanic household’s income was just below 70% of its white counterpart—down a couple of points from a few years ago, but basically in the neighborhood it’s been in for years. The average Asian household’s income was 120% of the white average last year, also more or less where it’s been for several years.
Poverty
Now, poverty . Before proceeding, it’s important to say that the U.S. poverty line is an extremely stingy thing. It’s based on research done in the 1950s that showed that the average household spent a third of its income on food. So, the Johnson administration, eager for metrics in its war on poverty, decided that a poverty line would be three times a minimal food budget computed by the Agriculture Department. Never mind that that food budget was considered something of an emergency measure, not something to live on. They needed something in a hurry and went with that. And they’ve just adjusted that line for inflation ever since, with no notice paid to rising GDP or average incomes, or the changing nature of household budgets (like medical inflation or the need for child care). So, conceptually, a poverty income today is exactly the same as it was almost 50 years ago, even though average incomes have more than tripled. A more honest poverty line would produce numbers probably twice what officialdom reports.
Yet despite that undemanding standard, 14.3% of Americans were officially poor in 2009, up from 13.2% in 2008, the highest level since the early 1990s. It’s almost certainly up this year, since it tracks the unemployment rate pretty closely. The rate among white households was just over 9%; for black and Hispanic households, over 25%, or nearly three times the white rate. It was almost that high for households of any race with children under 6.
Health insurance
And the percentage of people without health insurance for the entire year—and not just a spell, so these are lowball numbers—rose more than a percentage point, to 16.7%—or 51 million people. Since people over 65 are covered by Medicare, giving them near-100% coverage, it’s worth looking at the under-65 crowd: almost 19% of them were without insurance for the whole year. The share rises to 30% for young adults, those under 35.
So, a bad year for the mass of the American population, and it’s likely that 2010 was equally bad or worse. And this news will be reported for a day or two, and then forgotten, as the TV moans about the sufferings of the rich, who desperately need their tax breaks renewed.
New radio product
Just added to my radio archives (links to guest bios and articles are there):
September 9, 2010 Liz McNichol of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities on the fiscal crisis of the states • Yanis Varoufakis of the University of Athens fact-checks Michael Lewis’ Vanity Fair article on Greece
September 4, 2010 (KPFA version) Jesse Eisinger talks about how banks flipped CDOs to each other, made billions, stuck us with the bill • Michael Yates talks about the miserable mood out there in the Real America
Immigration: more evidence in its favor
I reviewed a lot of the studies of the economic effects of immigration in LBO several years ago: Economics of immigration. Bottom line: on balance, it’s quite good. Not popular these days, so it’s more important than ever to make the point.
Just in, a new study from the San Francisco Fed. Quoting from the abstract:
Statistical analysis of state-level data shows that immigrants expand the economy’s productive capacity by stimulating investment and promoting specialization. This produces efficiency gains and boosts income per worker. At the same time, evidence is scant that immigrants diminish the employment opportunities of U.S.-born workers.
It’s too bad that most of the yahoos whipping up a nativist frenzy aren’t much into empirical evidence. But there it is.
More Pacifica: Marc Cooper writes…
My old friend Marc Cooper has a long post on Pacifica that concludes with some comments on my own recent rant on The state of WBAI (dire). Since it’s always nice to be noticed, I’ll overlook the rather patronizing tone of his “means well” and just respond to his conclusion that it’s all too late—the game’s over. If the game is really over, Marc, why did you devote 1,247 words to the topic before you get to that point?
Me, I think the situation is, as I said, dire, but not necessarily terminal. But almost every other word he writes in this post is true. Too much of the programming on KPFK (where Marc did a show for many years) and WBAI (where I’ve done a show for many years) sounds like it beamed from one of the smaller moons of Jupiter. The governance system of the network, with boards elected by staff and listeners, may sound nice in theory but has proved disastrous in practice. People run for the boards based on their political resumes, not their qualifications for running a radio station. (And, on second thought, the system doesn’t make sense in theory either: why should a board elected by a fraction of these eligible to vote, which is itself a fraction of the listeners, produce any coherent or admirable results?) Marc is also right about the silence and/or complicity of the left media and left media watchdogs on the devolution of Pacifica. As he points out, The Nation once editorially endorsed having the programming done by elected councils (something considerably worse than the current governance system), even though the magazine itself is edited by small professional staff, the chief of which is also one of the publication’s owners.
The network continues to bleed money. WBAI’s latest fundraiser, which took up much of August, was a flop, falling about 25% short of its goal. The flogging of sensational premiums, featuring conspiracy theories and health quackery, was at least supposed to bring in some quick cash, even if it did risk ruining our reputation and driving away sane listeners. But it’s not even bringing in the cash. To compensate for this failure, there’s going to be another mini-fundraiser on September 9 and 10, which will no doubt feature more chips-in-the-head and herbal magic stuff. The next day’s programming will be a commemoration of 9/11, one hour of which is supposed to be devoted to refuting Truther nonsense. One can only hope that the other twenty-three hours don’t promote it.
And one can only hope that Marc isn’t right, and it isn’t too late. Pacifica is a precious resource, with strong signals in the most important metro areas in the USA. It still carries lots of fine programming amidst the stuff that sounds like it originates from Eurydome or Pasithee. To save itself, Pacifica has to stop flogging nonsense in its fundraisers and try a dignified, quiet approach. The quantity of begging has to come down: we can’t fundraise for more than a quarter of the year—it’s suicidal. The moons of Jupiter stuff has to go. And so too does the governance system. The stations and the network need to be run by people who know what they’re doing and have some authority to do it. We need to do some serious research to find out where all our listeners have gone and why—and what might bring them back.
The nutters denounce this sort of agenda as “corporatization.” Against it, they proffer some notion of programming of, by, and for The Community, whatever that is. I’ve asked a lot of them to define The Community. They can’t, because it’s a figment of their imaginations.
So it’s either something like what I’ve just outlined, or Pacifica will have a date with the bankruptcy court. Its licenses are extremely valuable, probably worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Which makes me wonder: should it come to bankruptcy and the licenses are put up for auction, who would get the money? Hmmm. Any lawyers out there with some ideas?
The Real News, part 3
The third part of The Real News interview with me is up: WAGES AND THE CRISIS.
New radio product
Back after a long fundraising break. Freshly posted to my radio archives:
Paul Street, author of The Empire’s New Clothes, on the sorrows of Brand Obama • Christian Parenti, author of this article, on how the gov can kickstart the adoption of green technologies by the way it buys
The Real News, part 2
Part 2 of my interview with The Real News on The Crisis is up: THE LIMITS OF STIMULUS.
Me on The Real News
I’m interviewed on The Current Crisis by Paul Jay of The Real News: AUSTERITY IN THE FACE OF WEAKNESS.

5 Comments
Posted on September 24, 2010 by Doug Henwood
Radio commentary, September 23, 2010
Summers • recession over! — except in housing and jobs • Zuckerberg & the charter scam
Summers back to Harvard
So Larry Summers is leaving as head of Obama’s National Economic Council. Everyone who talks about Summers assures us that he’s a very smart fellow, though he left Harvard, where he was president for five years, a financial wreck. (Background here, here, and here.) He’d advised the endowment to borrow heavily to speculate in derivatives that went sour, yielding billions in losses. But, as everyone will tell you, Larry is very smart. He did help design the stimulus package, which, for all its faults—not being big enough and not focusing enough on long-term investments—was a lot better than nothing, since it helped keep us from falling into Great Depression II. It’s about the best thing the Obama administration so far.
It’s likely that Summers is going to be replaced by someone worse. There’s a lot of pressure on Obama to replace him with someone from the world of business. It’s not clear how well business experience translates into the world of politics and policy, and it’s also not clear that American business has been running itself all that well, but that’s the conventional wisdom. Obama, you see, being a Kenyan anti-colonialist and socialist, has been hostile to business. We know this is true—despite bailing out the banking sector, saving GM, and sparing the insurance industry in its health care reform—because he once called bankers “fat cats.” They’ve never recovered from this grievous insult: the monied are so sensitive. Years ago, an old friend of mine said that the rich don’t merely want not to pay taxes—they want to be paid tribute. I think she was onto something.
Recovery report
The U.S. economy continues its noble attempt to find its feet, with mixed success. In the “no kidding” department, the Business Cycle Dating Committee of the National Bureau of Economic Research—a panel of eight economists who are the official arbiters of recession and recovery for the U.S. economy—declared on September 20 that the Great Recession ended in June. Not June 2010, but June 2009. This may surprise a civilian audience in at least two ways. First, what took them so long? The answer is that they really really want to be sure, and a 15 month delay is actually about average. And second, the news that the recession is over may strike some people as strange. There were over 300,000 fewer jobs last month than when the recession officially ended in June 2009, the unemployment rate is a tenth of a point higher, and the share of the adult population with a job is off by almost a full percentage point. (The unemployment rate would be a lot higher if people hadn’t dropped out of the labor force.)
But, you know, GDP. Real GDP, that is the total value of goods and services produced in the U.S adjusted for inflation, stopped shrinking in the middle of last year and is up a miserable 1.7% since then. And since, to a bourgeois economist, the economy is about money and not people, the recession is over. Doesn’t that make you feel better.
Speaking of miserable, the housing market, which led us into this mess, isn’t showing much leadership in getting us out of it. July’s housing figures were uniformly awful. August’s, which we’re just now getting, are coming in a little better. As Economy.com’s Dismal Scientist service put it on Thursday morning, “August sales of existing homes recovered somewhat from the July free fall, but this gain only brings the pace of sales up to the high end of miserable.” But applications for new mortgages have been down for the last several weeks, and the Federal Housing Finance Agency’s price index, released the other day, was off by 0.5%. That’s a July number, though, so maybe that’s just a relic of a really bad month.
But first-time applications for unemployment insurance, filed by people who’ve just lost their jobs, rose 12,000 last week following two weeks of decline. Right now, this number seems trendless, up one week and down the next, but stuck at a high level. The job market is off life support, but it’s not bounding out of bed and ready to run a half-marathon, either.
And the Federal Open Market Committee, the group within the Federal Reserve that sets monetary policy, met earlier in the week and decided to keep the spigots wide open. They’re still concerned that the recovery is weak. Further, their statement expressed discreet worry that the economy was in danger of sinking into deflation, a period of falling prices and shrinking activity that almost no one but the most extreme sadomonetarist would enjoy.
Zuckerberg, Christie, & Booker
Ok, enough business cycle news. On to something of longer-term interest. We’ll hear later in this show from Gary Shteyngart, whose excellent dystopian novel Super Sad True Love Story depicts an American future of corporatized, wired illiteracy. By one of those freakish bits of coincidence that would be unbelievable in fiction, I just read in The New York Times (which I still get delivered every morning, in its dead-tree format) that Mark Zuckerberg, one of the founders of Facebook (of which I am, I must disclose, an avid user) is planning to give $100 million to the public schools of Newark, New Jersey.
Parenthetically, I’m not sure how Zuckerberg can actually put his hands on $100 million. He’s supposedly worth, in the monetary sense, something like $7 billion. Facebook is wildly successful, of course; something like one in every 12 earthlings has an account (no exaggeration). But the valuation of Facbook is mostly on paper. It’s not making oodles of money right now, and I don’t get how Zuckerberg is a centimillionaire in any money more tangible than that of the mind. But, hey, in the world of Web 2.0—or is it 3.0 now? I keep losing count—you gotta dream.
Let’s leave all that aside. So Zuckerberg, who grew up in Westchester, now lives in California, and has absolutely nothing to do with Newark, wants to give $100 million to the schools in a desperately poor city whose schools could use every penny they can get their hands on. The city’s school system has spent 15 years in a kind of receivership, under state and not local control. So Zuckerberg has now made a deal with New Jersey governor Chris Christie to turn some control of the schools back to the city and its mayor, Cory Booker. Christie is a budget-cutting Republican, and Booker a sleek corporate new Democrat, but both are in love with what’s euphemized as education “reform,” which means privatization, competition, charter schools, and lots of testing. Curiously, corporate America also loves this agenda—and so does the Obama administration.
And where will these three men, Christie, Booker, and Zuckerberg, make the official announcement? On the Oprah Winfrey show. As I say at the beginning of my interview with Shteyngart, this country is almost impossible to satirize, since it does so much of the satirical work on its own.
Of course, it’s important to point out that the so-called school reform agenda doesn’t work. Some charter schools are very good, and some are awful, but the evidence is that they have little effect on educational outcomes. The problems of a school system like Newark’s are that the city is full of poor people leading very hard lives. Even a $100 million gift won’t change that. Neither will Web 9.0, if we get there.
So why does Corporate America love charter schools so much? Partly it’s ideological—the rhetoric of choice and competition appeals to their businessy minds. But they’re also a way to break teachers’ unions and cut salaries. So even if charters and the rest of the debased agenda, like frequent testing, make no educational sense, they can give us the same depressing outcome at half the price.
The school reform movement took some serious hits in last week’s elections. In New York, the three candidates most prominently associated with it—who were showered with cash from Wall Street—all lost badly. And Washington’s current mayor, Adrian Fenty, also lost to a primary challenger. There were other local issues at stake—notably the perception by the city’s black voters that Fenty, a Booker- and Obama-style New Democrat, wasn’t doing much for them—but his aggressive school reform agenda was an important part of the mix. His schools chief, Michelle Rhee, is reportedly a favorite to run New Jersey’s schools. When corporate America loves something, it doesn’t matter that it lacks any empirical or popular support.
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