LBO News from Doug Henwood

Tuition piece up

Ok, the promised piece on college inflation is up.

As the wage premium for education has expanded, college has gotten a lot more expensive. Why, and what’s this done to access (and with it, class mobility)?

From LBO #125, just posted to the web: “I’m borrowing my way through college…

Though this sample is free, it costs money to produce LBO. If you don’t already subscribe, please do, and keep this sort of thing alive. It’s not like there’s an excess of critical economic news and analysis, is there? LBO subscriptions. Such a deal! Subscribe now before the price goes up in a couple of months!!

Radio commentary, Feburary 6, 2010

[Sorry for the delay. Better late than never, I hope.]

suburban poverty

In our national imaginary, suburbs are places of affluence, and even a complacent isolation from social problems. As is often the case with received wisdom, this one’s in need of a fact-check. In a new paper, Elizabeth Kneebone and Emily Garr of the Brookings Institution find that suburbs are home to the largest and fastest-growing population of poor people in the U.S. Before continuing, I should note, as I always do when I talk about our official poverty line, that it embodies a very mean-spirited definition of poverty that probably undercounts the poor by at least half. That aside, between 2000 and 2008, the number of people under that official poverty line grew by 25%—five times as fast as the growth in central cities and well ahead of the growth in smaller metropolitan and rural areas. As of 2008, large suburbs housed more poor than their associated cities, and almost a third of the nation’s poor.

That growth in suburban penury was led by the Midwest, mainly because of the collapse of the U.S. auto industry. Among the hardest-hit areas were the suburbs of McAllen and El Paso, Texas; Bakersfield, Fresno, and Modesto, California; Little Rock, Arkansas; and Albuquerque, New Mexico. Among the areas showing the worst increase in impoverishment were Grand Rapids, Michigan; Youngstown, Ohio; Detroit; and the Atlanta suburbs. Poverty in New York City and the Los Angeles area actually declined—though these figures predate the recession, so that’s probably no longer true.

Further to the point of the meanness of our poverty line, a family of four with an income of less than $22,000 is considered poor—even if they live in an expensive place like New York or San Francisco. Most poverty researchers regard an income less than twice the poverty line—so in our example, that’d be $44,000 for a family of four—as low-income. By that definition, almost a third of our population is poor. Remarkable for a country that by any standard is rich, and usually praises itself as a land of plenty.

health inflation

A quick factoid that says a lot. The official annual accounting of U.S. health spending was published earlier this week. It revealed that 17.3% of our GDP now goes to health spending—that’s close to half again as high a share as Germany and France, countries with far better health indicators than ours. Not only that: the public share of that health budget is about to cross 50%. That means that close to 9% of our GDP is taken up by government health spending alone. That’s almost as much as Britain spends on its entire health budget, public and private. And, again, they’ve got better health indicators than we do. What a country.

employment: stabilizing, not recovering

Friday morning brought the release of the January employment report. By recent standards, it wasn’t half bad. By any longer-term standard, it wasn’t so great, but, you know, been down so long, etc.

Employers shed 20,000 jobs in January, driven by steep losses in construction. Manufacturing actually added jobs last month for the first time in three years. Retail employment grew smartly. Other sectors showed mostly modest losses—but the real standout was temp firms. In the past, increases in temp employment have led broader gains. A lot of old relationships have broken down in this recession, so this may no longer hold; maybe we’re in a new regime of permanent impermanence. We shall see. But this does offer some foundation for hope. As does a rise in the average workweek, which is now beginning to look like a trend over the last several months. That too has been a portent of future job gains, though maybe that’s not going to work this time either.

Wage growth was quite weak, which isn’t surprising with the unemployment rate so high. But at least that unemployment rate declined notably last month, falling below the psyschologically important 10% level to 9.7%. Of course it’s still very very high but at least it’s going in the right direction. And hidden unemployment also declined for the month, with the so-called U-6 rate, which accounts for people working part-time even though they’d like full-time work and for people who’ve given up the job search as hopeless and are therefore not counted as officially unemployed, falling 0.8 point for the month. Again, at 16.5%, it’s still very very high, but it too is starting to go in the right direction. Let’s hope it continues.

This month’s report also came with the annual benchmark revisions. The regular monthly reports are based on a survey of employers—a very large one of 300,000 establishments, but it’s still far from complete coverage. But once a year, the Bureau of Labor Statistics totals up the near-complete coverage of the job universe offered by the unemployment insurance system and adjusts their survey results. Normally these adjustments are quite small, a tenth of a percentage point or two. This time it was very large: a downward adjustment of almost a million. That means that total job losses in this recession are almost 8 and a half million. In percentage terms, that’s the worst in modern times, almost three times as bad as the average recession since 1950.

All in all, it looks like the job market is starting to recover, but it’s going to take a long time, and it’s got a lot of ground to make up.

Don’t believe the Manhattan Institute

In a few hours, I’ll be posting the piece on how expensive college has gotten and why to the LBO website. In the meanwhile, a dreadful article, “Why the Student Protesters Are Wrong,” published by a Manhattan Institute front called Minding the Campus needs some correction.

The author, Daniel Bennett, is a policy analyst at a right-wing think tank with a creepy name: The Center for College Affordability & Productivity. The director of the think tank is Richard Vedder, who wrote a book on how great Wal-Mart is, which gives you an idea of what they mean by productivity. In his article, Bennett says that student protesters are wrong to blame steep tuition hikes on “hard-pressed” state and local governments:

State and local subsidies to public colleges and universities increased by 44% in real (inflation-adjusted) dollars during the 25-year period between 1982 and 2007. Had colleges managed to hold their cost increases to the level of inflation over this period, real tuition prices would be slightly less today than they were 25 years ago.

What he doesn’t tell you is that over the same period, real GDP increased by 126% (nearly three times as much as state and local support), and total student enrollment by 47%. So state and local subsidies lagged enrollment slightly and lagged our economic capacity to subsidize education massively.

No one who knows anything about social statistics and cares about careful argument would ever cite a stat like a 44% increase in subsidies in isolation, without putting it in some sort of comparative perspective. So, either Bennett is ignorant of the use of statistics, or is consciously using them in a propagandistic fashion. Since Bennett has a master’s in applied economics, and since he quickly shifts to one of the right-wing’s favorite explanations of tuition inflation, excessively generous federal support, conclusions about the motives for his use of the isolated stat almost draw themselves.

LBO 125 out

Left Business Observer #125 is out! Already emailed to electronic subscribers, and on press for the dead tree contingent.

Contents:

  • a risky return to the familiar
  • college: best way to make a buck, especially if you’ve already got a few
  • contemplating exits; Obama’s stingy budget
  • unemployment & GDP: U.S. more savage than usual

Tastes here. But why settle for a tease when you can get the real thing for just a few bucks? Support the kind of economic and political analysis you can’t get anywhere else: LBO subscription info.

Me, interviewed…

…by the excellent folks at The Activist, the YDS webzine: Unconventional Wisdom.

Laura Agustín in New York, March 10

Come hear the excellent Laura Agustín in New York. And if you haven’t already, check out my interview with her here.

Trafficking, migration and the sex industry: Framing the questions, providing the proofs
Lecture by Laura Agustín, author of Sex at the Margins: Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry

Rockefeller University
Weiss Building Room 305
York avenue at 66th Street
New York NY 10065
Enter the campus at 66th Street.

This lecture is part of the Pugwash series of conferences examining the relationship between science and society, to ensure that research benefits humanity.

Wednesday 10 March 2010
6:45 pm (refreshments) – 9 pm
Lecture begins 7 pm, Questions 8 pm

Subway: Lexington Avenue Local #6 to 68th Street/Lexington Avenue Station; walk east
Buses: M31 (York Avenue/57th St crosstown) and M66 (68th St crosstown

About the speaker Laura Agustín studies cultural, sexual and postcolonial issues linking commercial sex, migration, informal economies and feminist theory. Her research amongst migrants and social helpers challenges several contemporary myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work; that migrants who sell sex are always passive victims; and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest.

Agustín argues that the label ‘trafficked’ does not describe migrants’ lives and that a Rescue Industry disempowers them. Frequently, says Agustín, migrants prefer to work in the sex industry to their other options, and, despite being treated like a marginalised group, they form part of a dynamic global economy. Her blog Border Thinking on Migration, Trafficking and Commercial Sex is visited by 1500 people daily.

Obama luvs business

More nuggets from Obama’s interview with the freshly renamed Bloomberg BusinessWeek, now under new management.

The irony is, is that on the left we are perceived as being in the pockets of big business; and then on the business side, we are perceived as being anti-business…. You would be hard-pressed to identify a piece of legislation that we have proposed out there that, net, is not good for businesses…. We are pro-growth. We are fierce advocates for a thriving, dynamic free market.

Some scene-setting from the piece:

As Obama defended himself against charges he is isolated from business, a number of CEOs sat outside in the West Wing lobby: General Electric Co.’s Jeffrey Immelt and Honeywell International Inc.’s David Cote were among those waiting for a meeting with White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel and energy coordinator Carol Browner to discuss climate-change policy.

In a separate story, Bloomberg reports that the CEO that Obama most admires is Frederick Smith of FedEx. Smith is a fiendishly anti-union Republican who served as John McCain’s finance chair, and is an old Skull & Bones pal of George W. Bush.

FDR said, maybe not entirely honestly, of the American rich, “I welcome their hatred.” Obama will do or say anything so that they’ll return his love—which, despite all his efforts, isn’t yet forthcoming.

Obama luvs bankers

From Bloomberg, via Politico’s Morning Money:

OBAMA DOESN’T ‘BEGRUDGE’ BONUSES FOR ‘SAVVY’ WALL STREET EXECS, Bloomberg’s Julianna Goldman and Ian Katz report: ‘President Barack Obama said he doesn’t ‘begrudge’ the $17 million bonus awarded to JPMorgan Chase & Co. Chief Executive Officer Jamie Dimon or the $9 million issued to Goldman Sachs Group Inc. CEO Lloyd Blankfein, noting that some athletes take home more pay. The president, speaking in an interview, said in response to a question that while $17 million is ‘an extraordinary amount of money’ for Main Street, ‘there are some baseball players who are making more than that and don’t get to the World Series either, so I’m shocked by that as well. I know both those guys; they are very savvy businessmen,’ Obama said … ‘I, like most of the American people, don’t begrudge people success or wealth. That is part of the free-market system.’

The new FDR, eh?

The morality of banking

From The Philosophy of Joint-Stock Banking by the Scottish financier G.M. Bell, quoted by Marx in Capital vol. 3:

Banking establishments are moral and religious institutions. How often has the fear of being seen by the watchful and reproving eye of his banker deterred the young tradesman from joining the company of riotous and extravagant friends?… Has he not trembled to be supposed guilty of deceit or the slightest misstatement, lest it should give rise to suspicion, and his accommodation be in consequence restricted or discontinued [by his banker]?… And has not that friendly advice been of more value to him than that of priest?

Different edition, but here’s the context: Economic Manuscripts: Capital, Vol.3, Chapter 33

Move your money?

Freshly posted to the LBO website: behind Huffington’s loopy “Move your money” campaign: …and it’s still money.

A reminder: paying subscribers got this a week or two ago. Subscribe today and be the first on your block: LBO subscription info

Radio commentary, January 21, 2010

In the economic news, more stumbling along the bottom. On Thursday morning, the Labor Department (not, by the way, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the main source of data in that agency, but in this case the Employment and Training Administration, another division within the Department—sorry to go all geeky on you) reported that first-time claims for unemployment insurance, filed by people who’ve just lost their jobs, rose by a sharp 36,000 last week. The Department said, however, that this rise was mostly the result of a holiday-related processing delays and not a sign of labor market deterioration. We shall see. The decline in initial claims had been one of the brighter spots on the economic landscape, so if this isn’t just a blip, there’s reason to worry.

The count of those continuing to draw jobless benefits, the so-called continuing claims series, extended the downtrend it’s been in since June. While that’s good news, cheer must be tempered by the fact that this regular count doesn’t include those drawing emergency and extended benefits. If you add them in, there’s hardly been any decline at all. The share of the unemployed accounted for by the very long-term jobless is at record levels, which underscores that this is more a systemic crisis than a merely cyclical one.

In happier news, the Conference Board’s index of leading indicators, which forecasts trends in the economy three to six months out, rose for the ninth consecutive month in December. That’s further confirmation that the recession is over and a weak recovery is underway. But I’m still thinking that we’ve got a rough year still ahead of us.

The economy isn’t the only thing suffering from a structural, and not merely cyclical, crisis. Our political system is as well. I quickly got tired of hearing all the liberal anguish over the result of the Senate race in Massachusetts. The Democrats brought the problem on themselves. A year of trying to seduce the Republicans into bipartisanship and giving the conservative wing of the Democratic party everything they want has brought Obama nothing but disrepute. For hardened streetfighters like the GOP, conciliation is a sign of weakness which only makes them bolder.

Of course, the liberal instinct is to blame this urge to compromise on the lack of brains or backbone or some other crucial bodily organ. I think that’s wrong. The fundamental problem of the Democrats is that they’re a party of capital that has to pretend for electoral reasons that it’s something else. So they make progressive noises to satisfy the base, but once in power, do the bidding of their funders. Sometimes these contradictory tendencies can be seen in one figure, like Obama himself, and sometimes in the wings of the party (e.g. the Progressive Caucus vs. the Blue Dogs). But in both cases, the more conservative faction, whether of personality or party, almost always prevails. That’s especially the case when there are no popular movements pushing them in a better direction. Those popular movements were partially disarmed by Obama’s victory. Maybe they’ll start coming to their senses now, especially as the Dems move right in response to the Massachusetts outcome.

But that’s not the whole story. Although a lot of liberals, and even more serious leftists, don’t like to admit it, there’s a deeply conservative streak in the American electorate. The “common sense”—the unschooled instincts imparted by upbringing and inherited ideology—of people in this country is individualist and self-reliant. That common sense has become increasingly dysfunctional. The U.S. reminds me in many ways of a startup company that’s grown so big that it needs a serious overhaul but is incapable of the necessary transformation. In the corporate example, you frequently see that the founders don’t want to turn things over to professional managers. They want to keep running the show on instinct and animal spirits. But those aren’t working anymore.

So too the U.S. The dog-eat-dog model of social Darwinism worked well (on its own terms—it was often horribly brutal) while the U.S. was growing rapidly in the 19th and early 20th centuries, but ever since growth slowed down in the 1970s, we’ve been in need of a rethink of the old model. But we’re incapable of it. Instead, we’ve tried ever more reckless applications of debt to keep things going. The recent financial crisis looked like the crisis of that approach, but we’re now emerging from the crisis phase without things having changed all that much. Obama’s making some hostile noises about breaking up large banks and putting their speculative activities on a leash, but I’ll believe it when I see it.

Taking on the fat cats

Obama playing golf with Robert Wolf, chair of UBS (far right).

The country seems to be rotting from within but the political and ideological systems are incapable of recognizing that fact, much less trying to deal with it. I wish I could detach myself from the consequences and find it all amusing, in the style of H.L. Mencken. But I can’t. And now I’ve got a kid who was born into this nuthouse, so I take it all far more personally. I hope we can get our act together and make this a less brutal place. But it’s hard to get hopeful. I guess this is what it’s like to live in the midst of imperial decline.

Radio commentary, January 14, 2010

I’m going to keep the opening comments pretty short today. Though some of you have already heard my analysis of the December employment report, the WBAI audience hasn’t. So a quick reprise of that. In a phrase: quite disappointing. It looked for a bit like the labor market might finally be turning around, but those hopes were set back, though not thoroughly dashed, by the news that employers shed 85,000 jobs last month. Some of that might have been the result of terrible weather, even by the standards of Decembers. But there was little good news buried in the details of the report. And apparently many people have been giving up on the job search—a rational decision, given that employers just aren’t hiring. But dropping out means that they’re not counted as officially unemployed, so even the stability in the jobless rate isn’t encouraging on closer examination.

Worse, we learned on Wednesday that job losses last year were even worse than we knew. The monthly job reports are based on a survey of employers—a very large survey of around 300,000 establishments. (Click here for the FAQ on the survey.) But like all surveys based on subsamples of a large universe, this one’s not perfect, and it’s especially imperfect at times of rapid change or changes in trend. As a check on that, the Bureau of Labor Statistics periodically compares the monthly counts with the almost-complete coverage of the employment universe provided by the unemployment insurance records system. They do that quarterly, seven months after the end of every quarter, and also yearly, when they perform what’s called a benchmark revision on the employment numbers. I must underscore that there’s nothing sinister about these revisions—it’s just really hard to count something as big as the U.S. workforce with perfect accuracy.

Last October, the BLS told us that when they do the benchmark revision for 2009, they’ll mark down total employment by 824,000—a very large number as these things go. Specifically, this downward revision will be applied to the employment level for March 2009 at the beginning of next month, with the next employment release. But in addition to that annual exercise, they also report quarterly on this fuller picture. So we’ve just learned that job losses in the second quarter were even worse than we imagined—as of June, there were about 1.3 million fewer jobs than we knew, a half million more than the benchmark revision. That takes the number of jobs lost in this recession up to a stunning 8.5 million. This is nothing less than a social emergency—yet Washington is basically just diddling about it.

And on Thursday morning, we learned that retail sales declined modestly in December, surprising most analysts, who’d expected a modest gain. (These figures are seasonally adjusted, meaning that the normal surge around Christmas is removed in order to isolate underlying trends.) The October and November numbers were surprisingly strong. What does this all mean? I think it means that the economy—I’m going to personalize the abstraction for a moment, please forgive me—is trying to find its footing. But it’s still wounded and wobbly, and likely to look punch drunk for some time to come.

I’ve just been comparing the performance of the U.S. economy to fifteen earlier financial crisis-induced recessions, as identified by the IMF. While nothing is ever perfect in the social sciences, the U.S. economy does seem to be following the script pretty closely. The hit to GDP so far is pretty much in line with the averages—though there were some countries that did considerably better, and some that did considerably worse, than what we’ve been through. And employment is also following the script pretty well: steep, sustained declines giving way to a leveling out. But the script also suggests that this flatlining phase could last for a year or more. So the unemployment rate is likely to stay quite high, and economic life to feel quite crappy, for most of us throughout this year and maybe into next as well.

Finally, some Wall Street hawks are getting nervous about government debt and inflation—and some people on the left are even taking these worries seriously. That is, the worrywarts are afraid that all the borrowing the U.S. and other governments have been doing is going to lead to some sort of sovereign debt crisis among the richer countries—and that all the fiscal and monetary stimulus they’ve applied to keep everything from going down the drain is going to cause a rampant inflation. Both fears are wildly misplaced. There’s so much slack in the economy—unemployed people and physical resources—that it’s ludicrous to worry about price pressures. And the history of financial crises is one of declining, not rising, inflation. Worries about government debt are equally delusional. Yes, it’s a problem, and yes, servicing that debt will crowd out public pursuits more noble than interest payments, but the rise in public sector debt is a compensation for the shrinkage in private sector debt. Households and businesses have been pulling back—out of both prudence and necessity—and if it weren’t for the offsetting rise in public sector debt, we’d be heading down a deflationary vortex. And when the worst of all this is passed, assuming it will pass, then we can tax the rich to pay down the debt. Yeah, fanciful, but the money’s there.

[Note: the final point about dealing with the debt is explored in Left Business Observer #124, just out. To subscribe, visit: LBO subscription info. Can’t give everything away for free, after all.]

Numbers

GDP of Haiti: $8.5 billion.

Goldman Sachs bonus pool: $20 billion.

No money?

The Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA), which runs the transit operations in and around New York City, is facing a budget shortfall of around $400 million. There are likely to be deep cuts to subway and bus service in New York City. There is, of course, “no money” to deal with the problem.

Actually, that depends on what your definition of “no” is. The mayor of New York City, Michael Bloomberg, who also happens to be the city’s richest resident, could comfortably write a check to solve the problem. Forbes estimates his net worth at $17.5 billion—meaning that the MTA’s gap is less than 3% of his personal fortune. He spent $102 million of his own money on his recent re-election campaign, and $159 million on his first two campaigns, for a total of $261 million. That’s two-thirds of the MTA’s gap.

Maybe it’s unfair to expect just a single plutocrat to cure the MTA’s budget ills. The twenty-three members of the Forbes 400 who live in New York City have a combined net worth of just under $130 billion. The MTA’s $400 million problem is all of 0.3% of their net worth.

So it’s not that there’s “no money.” There’s plenty of money. It’s just off limits.

Dennis Brutus memorial

There’s going to be a memorial for Dennis Brutus, the South African poet and activist, at the Brecht Forum, 451 West Street, between Bank and Bethune Streets, NYC, Sunday, January 17, at 2 PM.

For my interview with Brutus (a rebroadcast of a show first aired in July 2008), see my Radio archives.